The noxious racism of “disparate impact”

The North Carolina Supreme Court rules blacks are lesser than more civically and mentally evolved races.

Requiring an ID to vote is objectively racist, the North Carolina Supreme Court has ruled — overriding the NC legislature and state constitution, which shockingly treated all potential NC voters as equal before the law.

What this means, per the ruling, (which fell 4-3 along ideological lines, with liberal justices in the majority), is that blacks are now officially and legally deemed less capable in practice of acquiring a form of personal ID. That is, they are lesser than all other “races” with respect to that specific task. And so it follows, they are lesser with respect to the constellation of other tasks that require personal ID to complete effectively.

This ruling, then, suggests that the inability to acquire personal identification by blacks, who the Court ruled would be “disparately impacted” if elections are secured, is an essential part of blackness as a legal identity marker. Individual blacks who are able to secure an ID to, eg., vote, to rent a home, to rent a car or a hotel room, to buy alcohol, to purchase legal firearms, to cash checks, et al., are therefore racial outliers, in the opinion of the Majority, and can’t be said to be authentically black, in particular when it comes to their relationship to voter ID laws. Voting laws requiring ID come not from wanting to secure elections, the liberal Justices sussed from an insidiously colorblind piece of legislation; rather, such laws embody the “racial animus” of GOP lawmakers toward a specific and singular racial identity group. Thus, the individualism of blacks in North Carolina is necessarily subsumed by that group’s peculiar inability, as a function of their skin color (itself determined by genetics), to perform basic civic tasks as a prerequisite for voting. They are uniquely incapable as a race of identifying themselves as themselves in a way that is physically verifiable.

And yet despite their lesser status and their inability to match up intellectually to those racial groups who are able to navigate civic life without the burdens of being lesser people harassed by onerous rules demanding they are who they claim to be, blacks, the liberals justices believe, should be encouraged to vote in larger numbers — and that their votes should be provided to Democrats without the hatred and racial animus that comes with proving their voter eligibility. Securing the integrity of elections is objectively racist in North Carolina; but importantly, it’s only racist toward blacks, and the racist impulse is only manifested in law by Republicans. And this revelation paves the way toward loosening all restrictions on blacks in which “disparate impact” — that is, under- or over-representation of outcome, divorced from any contextual factors and reliant solely on racial essentialism as its marker — can be plausibly asserted and a Republican scapegoat identified.

Disparate impact as it affects the more advanced races must therefore be a product of something other simple racial or ethnic identity. And that’s because according to the NC Supreme Court, there is only one race in need of protection from the predations of Republican lawmakers whose intent the Court has judged to be malevolent (Republicans are racist, therefore, laws passed by Republicans are also racist. QED); and that race is legally determined, in this ruling, to be essentially lesser than all other races. In an irony that shouldn’t be lost on anyone, gaining the legal distinction of being a lesser race in today’s jurisprudence seeds the ground for rejecting the legislative wishes of all other races, including those inauthentic blacks whom four liberal justices assume inexplicably vote against their own racial interests. The black race exists alone, in the legal universe of voting in North Carolina. It is the exception that makes determines the rule.

Colorblind law; and equality before it, is thus a legal fiction. But — and here’s the kicker — this is true only where blacks are involved.

— which suggests that either blacks are, by dint of being black, more in need of special dispensation; or else that blacks are somehow more impacted by their genetics than other racial identity groups, which prevents them from competing with those other races in certain complex behavioral areas, like filling out the paperwork or making the trip to get a free government ID card. But no worries. Slippery slope arguments that may arise from this ruling — “women are incapable of achieving representative equity in a democratic system, so we must establish quotas based on percentage of the population!” — are merely a construct created by whites to derail the kind of progress we see here. It’s been far too long since blacks were granted the kind of second-class status that justified the general dumbing down of the entirety of society to meet their special needs and ameliorate their unique failings. What could possibly follow from such a diktat that could in any way prove poisonous in a pluralist society?

If all this sounds astoundingly racist to you, that’s because it is. In fact. it’s no different in spirit from the kind of racialist thinking that precipitated any number of genocides, from Hitler’s Final Solution to the Rwandan genocide of 1994 — save that it is offered by the NC Supreme Court with a benevolent pat on the head to blacks for at least having given assimilation into American civics a try. Sometimes being industrious isn’t enough; you must also possess a baseline level of mental competence that blacks, as a racial identity group, simply can’t muster, according to the NC majority opinion.

The question we must ponder, then, is when will blacks — who as a group we told aren’t physically or mentally capable of engaging in protected elections, and who are at heart a fully-owned subsidiary of the Democratic Party, which has come to rely on their votes and has the legal right now to expect them — express the outrage that should come with a decision like this one that debases and infantilizes them?

Because if it’s true that blacks — and only blacks — cannot be expected to engage in the machinery of state electoral politics without the help of the liberals on the NC Supreme Court, what else are we going to come to find these poor beasts can’t do?

And if blacks are indeed lesser, by what authority other than top-down fiat are we to be required to pretend that they are equal to other racial groups?

Racial essentialism is making a comeback in law — even as sex is being reduced to nothing more than an assertion and a presentation.

Promulgation, often by force, of these pernicious ideas are how civilizations crumble. And it’s becoming increasingly difficult to believe that destruction of the traditional social order isn’t now the express intent of our ruling elite.

And that isn’t sad. It’s downright evil.